10,000 members: Where did the "New Likudniks" disappear to?

Ahead of the primaries on Monday, we revisit the movement that attempted to shake the ruling party from within, was labeled a "Trojan horse," and was eventually erased. Likud researcher Gil Samsonov explains where the founders went wrong, whether a similar organization could return, and the critical importance of free voters in the primaries.

Israel HayomAuthor: Dean Brandstetter
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10,000 members: Where did the "New Likudniks" disappear to?
Photo: Israel Hayom / תומך הליכודניקים החדשים בפריימריז בליכוד, 2019. צילום: גדעון מרקוביץ'

On Monday, following several hurdles and fierce disputes that reached the Supreme Court, the Likud party primaries will take place. Ahead of the vote, we revisit the "New Likudniks" movement, which attempted to change the ruling party from within, only to be defined by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a "Trojan horse" and ultimately fail.

It all began in 2011 during the social protest. The "New Likudniks" proposed a strategy of "influence from within": instead of establishing a new party that risked failing to pass the electoral threshold, the movement called on citizens with liberal views to register for Likud. The idea was to utilize the primary mechanism to promote candidates with civil and free-market economic perspectives, while maintaining the freedom to vote according to conscience in general elections.

"They were geniuses in their attempt to use the system," asserts Gil Samsonov, a researcher of Revisionist history and author of the books "The Princes" and "The Begins." "Likud has always been dominated by interest groups: workers' committees, Haredim, and settlers. The New Likudniks wanted to balance this influence by relying on an ideological core." During their peak years (2015–2019), the group reached about 10,000 members, becoming a significant electoral bloc that aided the careers of politicians such as Yoav Kisch and Sharren Haskel.


From ideology to "chair-ology"

However, as the movement gained power, personal ambitions surfaced. Samsonov notes: "Once activists started running for the Knesset, ideology turned into 'chair-ology.' To succeed, they had to make deals with the very pressure groups they opposed, which damaged their reputation." Furthermore, the group's composition shifted, and it became dominated by individuals who openly campaigned against Likud on social media.

Likud's leadership, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, perceived this as a direct threat. The party apparatus launched an administrative war, including expelling members and changing bylaws. In 2019, the Supreme Court upheld the party's right to disqualify members who do not support it in general elections. Eventually, even politicians who had started their careers with the New Likudniks' support were forced to disavow them.

A lesson for the future

Ahead of the 2022 primaries, the party mechanism carried out a "targeted elimination": thousands of members were collectively erased from the voter rolls. Samsonov admits the party's methods were harsh but adds: "They brought it on themselves. You cannot run for office on behalf of a movement while openly acting against the party."

Could such a model return? Samsonov is convinced that civil influence is necessary: "The dream is for every citizen, when voting, to be able to rank Knesset members within the same party. That way, the mainstream would influence the lists, not interest groups." Tomorrow's primary results will show how active free voters are: "If turnout exceeds 50%, the list will be worthy. If turnout is low, the functionaries and extremists will decide."

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