Everyone talks about partnership - but what happens at the moment of truth? | Dr. Moshe Elad

"Al-yad al-wahida la tusaffiq" - one hand does not clap. This ancient Arabic proverb well reflects one of the central dilemmas in Israel: everyone talks about living together, equality, and the integration of Arab society, but at the moment of the true test - the elections and their results - the partnership is still limited.

Israel has already known similar attempts. Major General (res.) Matti Peled, a member of the Israeli security elite, sat in the Knesset alongside Mohammed Miari, an Arab-Palestinian leader. The two proved that it is possible to maintain cooperation between leaders from both peoples, but failed to turn it into a significant electoral force. Now the question returns in the form of Yoav Segalovitz, a senior police officer and security establishment figure, and Mansour Abbas, leader of Ra'am, who has Islamic roots: will they succeed in turning a Jewish-Arab partnership from an exceptional idea into an influential political reality?

The idea of a Jewish-Arab partnership began as early as the British Mandate period. "Brit Shalom," founded in 1925, and the "Ihud" movement that followed it, sought to promote a binational framework based on equality. At the same time, the Communist Party of Palestine operated as a joint Jewish-Arab framework. Even after the establishment of the state, the idea did not disappear. MAKI, RAKAH, and later HADASH maintained a Jewish-Arab partnership for years, and in the 70s, the SHELI party also operated, promoting civil equality and a political solution.

In the 11th Knesset, the Progressive List for Peace of Peled and Miari operated. However, in the 1984 elections, the list won only two mandates, and in 1988 it dropped to one. The lesson was clear: it is easier to build trust between leaders than between their voting publics.

In the 90s, the Yitzhak Rabin government relied on the support of Arab parties from the outside. This aroused sharp opposition among parts of the Jewish public. In 2021, another stage was reached when Ra'am, led by Mansour Abbas, entered the coalition in the Bennett-Lapid government. The psychological barrier was broken: an Arab party can be a partner in power.

Here and now, Segalovitz enters. This time the starting point is not the question of peace, but the question of life itself: how to deal with crime, strengthen governance, and improve the security of all citizens. It is possible that Segalovitz's background will allow parts of the Jewish public to see such a partnership as a practical move rather than an ideological concession. On the other hand, Abbas will have to convince the Arab public that partnership with Israeli establishment figures is an effective way to influence.

If the partnership deals only with symbolism, its chances of success will be limited. However, if it offers solutions in areas such as personal security, cost of living, education, health, housing, and employment - it may succeed in reaching a place its predecessors did not reach. The question is not whether two hands will clap, but whether Israeli society will be ready to listen to the sound.