Netanyahu built the Likud in his own image – and now the reserved spots reveal the price

The chorus of shock that arose following the reserved spots distributed by Benjamin Netanyahu on the eve of the Likud primaries is a strange sight: a mixture of naivety and hypocrisy. Netanyahu is not suddenly violating the rules of the game — he is bringing them to their logical conclusion. Anyone who for years emptied the Likud institutions of their content and made personal loyalty a condition for political existence is not sinning against the system now. He is simply completing it.

Almost everyone who dared to show independence in the Likud during Netanyahu's long years of rule was politically beheaded, removed, or left. And it is no coincidence that some of his sharpest rivals grew up in his environment or during his rule: Avigdor Lieberman and Naftali Bennett worked alongside him; Yoaz Hendel served in his public diplomacy array; Gilad Erdan grew up in the Likud leadership; and Gadi Eisenkot served as Chief of Staff during his era. Netanyahu knows how to identify people of value — but finds it difficult to bear them once they develop an independent will or cease to serve his needs.

As someone who worked alongside him and knew his environment and methods of operation closely, I find it difficult to join those who are amazed. For nearly two decades, Netanyahu has carried on his shoulders a party of invertebrates and sycophants — but he also worked hard to shape it that way. He removed independence, ideas, and leadership from it, leaving a court that exists by his power and for his sake. Anyone who entrusted him with all their political power cannot complain when that power is used against them.

And between us, who exactly are we going to shed a tear for?

The real disappointment is not from the functionaries, the loudmouths, and the professional flatterers. No one expected anything from them. It is from people like Avi Dichter, Nir Barkat, and Yoav Kisch, who came to politics with achievements, status, and independent ability — and traded their independence for a seat at the government table. If they are now pushed back, it is not a tragedy or an injustice. This is the bill. Anyone who gives up their conscience to survive eventually discovers that even survival is not guaranteed.

Netanyahu, for his part, is surely watching with longing eyes the heads of other parties, whose lists are determined according to their will and have not even a semblance of democracy. While he — the man around whom not only his party, but an entire country has cracked over the question of "Yes Bibi or No Bibi" — is forced to wallow in the mud of the primaries alongside the political Lilliputians he raised. Therefore, he seeks, as usual, to enjoy both worlds: to boast of the Likud as a democratic party where the voters decide, and at the same time to ensure that they do not decide too much. This is a conditional democracy — as long as the voter chooses correctly.

Against this background, the reservation of spots for Gideon Sa'ar, Haim Katz, and Israel Katz is also not surprising. Sa'ar, who resigned, ran against Netanyahu, and established a rival party, is being brought back by a political agreement. Haim Katz, the great fixer of the Likud center, receives political life insurance. Israel Katz is released from the need to stand for the voters' choice so that he can supposedly concentrate on security. These are not reserved spots intended to strengthen the Likud. This is a division of spoils between centers of power.

The politicians running today are not victims of the system, and there is no need to pity them. They themselves are the system: they applauded when Netanyahu trampled others, were silent when he eliminated any manifestation of independence, and bowed in the hope that the sword would pass them by. Now, when it is placed on their necks too, they suddenly discover the values of internal democracy.

On Monday, everyone will enter the corral. From the stew of reserved spots, deals, vote contractors, and personal loyalties, a list will emerge that will present the true state of the Likud: a movement whose democratic institutions have gradually surrendered to the court of one man.

Bibi is right. He built them exactly like this — and they allowed him to. Now one can wish them long years of soul-searching.

The author is a strategic communications consultant, formerly with Prime Ministers Netanyahu and Sharon.