The US is doing everything to perpetuate the war in the Middle East

For years we have become accustomed to believing that the United States is Israel's greatest ally. There is no doubt that it provides us with security assistance, political backing, and advanced technologies. But are its interests always identical to ours? I am not sure. When looking at the big picture, it is hard to ignore the fact that the United States is the world's largest arms superpower.

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The US is doing everything to perpetuate the war in the Middle East
Photo: Now14 / מטוס F-22 של חיל האוויר האמריקני, ארכיון | צילום: שאטרסטוק

For years we have become accustomed to believing that the United States is Israel's greatest ally. There is no doubt that it provides us with security assistance, political backing, and advanced technologies. But are its interests always identical to ours? I am not sure. When looking at the big picture, it is hard to ignore the fact that the United States is the world's largest arms superpower. Its defense industry exports weapons, defense systems, aircraft, missiles, munitions, and advanced technologies worth billions of dollars every year. As long as the world is threatened, the demand for these products only grows.

Time after time, just before a decisive moment, international pressure is applied for a ceasefire. Some see this as an attempt to prevent a humanitarian escalation; I believe the result is that the enemy gets time to organize, rearm, and prepare for the next round. Either way, in practice, the conflict continues. I am not claiming that there is a structured plan to perpetuate wars, but it is certainly worth asking whether the totality of the strategic and economic interests of the United States might lead to a policy that prefers conflict management over absolute victory. And if all this is not enough, it is worth asking a few more important questions.

If the American interest is truly to strengthen Israel, why is the Donald Trump administration promoting the sale of F-35 aircraft to Turkey—a country that is in a political and strategic confrontation with Israel? Does this not erode the qualitative edge that the United States committed to maintain for Israel? Why is Washington promoting a civilian nuclear program for Saudi Arabia? Does history not teach that civilian nuclear technology can, under certain conditions and a political decision, also become the basis for military capability? Perhaps each of these questions also has a different explanation.

But when you connect them all into one picture, it is hard not to wonder: is the American interest absolute stability in the Middle East, or is it the preservation of a balance of power that ensures continued American dependence, arms deals, and regional influence? Therefore, Israel must cherish its friends, but it must not be confused: between countries there are no friends, there are interests. And when the Israeli interest is a victory that will ensure security for a long time, there is no certainty that it always overlaps with the interest of the most powerful superpower in the world. A sovereign state must make its decisions according to its national interest, even when it does not align with the wishes of its closest friend.

In conclusion: at the end of the day, superpowers do not fight for values, they act according to interests. As long as the wars continue, the American defense industry continues to thrive, and the customers continue to stand in line. Therefore, Israel must stop believing that someone else will take care of its interests. Whoever wants a real victory cannot afford to let superpowers decide for him when to stop. Israel's wars must end in Jerusalem, not in Washington!

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