Jewish Terror Exists. Israel Katz Just Abolished Its Prosecution
The Minister of Defense's words and actions pose a threat to the state's security. They could not only be used to issue an international arrest warrant against him but could also destroy Israel's reputation as a state that enforces the law without fear or distinction of race, religion, or gender.
"Every case of violence was defined by the Shin Bet as terrorist activity, and therefore they could arrest people without trial, without representation, treat them like terrorists." Words sharp as daggers. Words striking like a whip. Statements that any lawyer representing Palestinians challenging administrative detention orders would happily sign. But the speaker is not a human rights activist. He is the Minister of Defense. And with him, as everyone knows, words are immediately translated into actions: "I called the previous head of the Shin Bet and informed him: this is cancelled and will not happen anymore. And that is exactly what happened!"
In the world of Israel Katz, the weighty arguments against prolonged detention without trial, without a lawyer, without rights, without even knowing what you are being accused of – are relevant only when it comes to a very specific population: settlers. The day before yesterday in the evening, Katz spoke at the Likud primaries conference in Ariel. This is, of course, not the most delusional and deranged speech delivered by a minister in the current Israeli government – after all, it includes Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich – but it is probably the most extreme speech of its kind ever delivered by a senior Likud member.
"I cancelled on my own initiative, since I was familiar with it, all administrative detention orders against the settlers in Judea and Samaria," Katz said at the conference, "And I will explain the point to you, because it is not always clear: how were administrative detention orders issued? Because the Jewish division in the Shin Bet defined every case of violence in Judea and Samaria as terrorist activity." He continued with the description that appears above – "without trial, without representation," etc., emphasized how he stopped the previous head of the Shin Bet, waved his hand and added: "This hand will not sign such an order." But then he remembered there is a problem: "I am a right-winger, who is also strong in the right hand, uh, and I write with the left hand, because at age six a donkey stepped on my finger when we were taking it to the dairy. So with this hand I did not sign a single administrative detention order!".
The Two Faces of the Shin Bet
Later, it was important for Katz to say that there are orders that he is actually eager to sign: "But who do I sign for? And many, many! I sign for those cases of Palestinian terror, of suspects that the Shin Bet brings." That is, after explaining how terrible the administrative detention order is when it comes to settlers, now the same Shin Bet, in the words of the Minister of Defense himself, is the supreme professional authority when it comes to Palestinians. By the way, there were those in the Shin Bet who were quite surprised. After all, there is no need at all for Katz's signature on an arrest warrant for Palestinians in the West Bank. The approval of the regional commander is enough. Katz is appropriating for himself here orders that he did not sign.
"I also sign for Israeli citizens," the minister continued as if it were about signing a marriage contract or a bank guarantee, "Since we defined the smuggling of drones in the south, and I acted, as terrorist activity, I signed administrative detention orders for residents from the Bedouin diaspora who were engaged in smuggling." And not only to them did he bring the invitation by hand. "Also to residents from the Galilee who are suspected of connection with terrorist organizations, before you could put them on trial, I signed dozens of administrative detention orders. Why? Because this is terrorist activity. Why didn't I sign for the settlers? Because this is not terror," he announced.
Israel Katz did not invent Jewish terror. He did something much simpler: he erased it from the government dictionary, deprived the security agencies of a tool intended to deal with it, and then drove to Ariel to present the erasure as an achievement in the primaries. One can oppose administrative detention. In fact, there are very good reasons to oppose the imprisonment of a person without an indictment, without being able to see all the evidence against him. A democratic Minister of Defense could have said: this tool is flawed, and therefore I will cancel it for Jews and Palestinians alike. But Katz did not do that. In 2024, he left it in place for Palestinians and cancelled it regarding settlers.
A Hierarchy of Violence
Katz will claim that he condemns violence, and in cases where settlers attacked soldiers, he even demanded treatment and established mechanisms. But here the hierarchy is revealed: when violence is directed against a Jewish soldier, the minister is shocked. When it is directed against a Palestinian, the concept of "terror" disappears, and the Shin Bet discovers that the tools to act have been taken from it. This is not a correction of a constitutional injustice. This is a distribution of rights by nationality. And here lies the most serious problem. Katz says that two people suspected of the same level of danger will receive different treatment. According to his approach, group identity precedes professional risk assessment.
Reality, unfortunately for the minister, refuses to adapt itself to the Likud primaries schedule. IDF and Shin Bet data indicate a constant increase in acts of terror and violence by Jews against Palestinians. Central Command Commander Avi Bluth defined Jewish terror as "a serious phenomenon that endangers us all." These are not left-wing activists or European diplomats. These are the people whom Katz himself entrusted with the security of the West Bank.
The Tal Yinon Dardik affair is an X-ray of this method. Dardik is a resident of a farm in Binyamin and a father of four. The security establishment attributed to him involvement in a serious nationalist incident that occurred in March 2026: dozens of masked Israelis arrived at the Bedouin community of Khirbet Humsa in the northern Jordan Valley. According to testimonies from the scene, residents were beaten, forcibly detained, and livestock was stolen. One of the Palestinians testified that he was sexually assaulted in front of his family members. The police arrested seven suspects, and the incident was transferred for investigation. According to reports, the investigative authorities have intelligence that Dardik was present at the scene, but not enough admissible evidence that would allow an indictment to be filed against him for the acts of violence themselves. On the recommendation of the Shin Bet, General Bluth signed an administrative restriction order that instructs Dardik to stay under full house arrest at his mother-in-law's house. Dardik refused to be there and insisted on staying on his farm. Since he did not comply with the order, he was arrested and an indictment was filed against him for violating it. Minister Katz, after a fierce campaign conducted against him by radical activists in the Likud, arrived at the detention cell to check on his honor and offer him alternatives. There is nothing wrong with strictly maintaining Dardik's rights. But one must ask the simple question: when was all this sensitivity applied towards a Palestinian?
After Dardik's appeal was accepted due to the claim that it is impossible to force the mother-in-law to accept him into her home, the regional commander and the Jerusalem District Attorney's Office appealed to the District Court. A few minutes after the appeal was filed, Katz ordered not to renew the order and demanded to "deal with the problem in other ways." The Dardik affair is not a side glitch in Katz's policy. It is the entire policy. The words and actions of the Minister of Defense are a danger to the security of the state. Not only could they be used to issue an international arrest warrant against him, but they could also eradicate everything that remains of Israel's reputation as a state that can enforce the law on itself, without fear and without distinction of race, religion, and gender. They could also expose all IDF soldiers and the state to a disastrous legal campaign. The International Court is supposed to refrain from handling a case when the state investigates and prosecutes in a genuine manner. It is entitled to intervene when the state is unwilling or unable to conduct honest proceedings. Katz provides the prosecutors with incriminating material and weakens Israel's defense capabilities. The great danger does not stem from the claim that "there is no Jewish terror." It stems from the fact that there is no single law for Jews and Palestinians. No response was provided on behalf of the Minister of Defense.
