They forgot what it means to be statesmen

Members of the ruling party have had their say, and if it had been phrased as part of a dialogue between them and the Prime Minister rather than as a primary election, there is a chance it would have ended in two minutes. Of that, Benjamin Netanyahu would have received one minute and forty-five seconds to explain why he needs Eli Cohen, Amir Ohana, and Yariv Levin in the top spots, and the registered members — 15 seconds to say yes. This is not obedience, it is synchronization: the leader does not like 'Bibists' — ministers May Golan and Idit Silman are out; is not moved by poor performance — minister Yoav Kisch and minister Miri Regev are in; promotes obedience to the leader over obedience to protocol rules — Speaker Amir Ohana is in; prefers them busy with continuing to crush the judicial system — minister Yariv Levin and Knesset member Moshe Saada are in; lacks sentiment for those who followed him for a long time — Avi Dichter is out; and is gifted with a long and effective hand that grips Nir Barkat's throat and settles scores on the third anniversary of the recently exposed coup attempt.

For all its flaws, it turns out again that primaries are still the best method currently existing in Israel. It is just a pity that the voters of the Democrats and Likud — about a quarter of a million citizens — are the exceptions who manage to enjoy it, and to exercise their right every four years to become centers of power against their elected officials. Likudniks are strong at this: a long-standing tradition of eternal positioning as the underdog of Israeli politics has well-honed their ability to hold onto power, and the primaries the day before yesterday proved this more than ever. Not just the results, but the way to them: the last few weeks were a model of forgetfulness. Not one of the candidates mentioned the horror of October 7 or their responsibility for the murder of hundreds of young people, women, the elderly, and children, and if they did — then only in the context of victories, inflicting defeats, military achievements, and civil plans like fortifying homes and kindergartens in the North that no one will bother to implement.

In the case of Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Transportation Minister Miri Regev, the good news for Likud is the bad news for all of us: he received a franchise to continue the contracting work he is doing as part of destroying the Supreme Court and renovating the State Attorney's Office, she won a commendation for the rise in road fatalities, the decline in road safety, the non-implementation of solutions for the shortage of thousands of public transport drivers, and the politicization and appointment of cronies to professional ranks. Under Netanyahu's leadership, Likud Central Committee members forgot what it means to be loyal to statehood, lost the need for broad agreements, gave up the natural urge for public consensus, and pushed democracy to the bottom of national priorities, otherwise it is hard to explain how their basic 'you break it, you pay for it' mechanism became damaged.

More than 66 thousand Likudniks did not come to the polls yesterday. It is possible they lost faith in a leader who is on criminal trial and has yet to answer for his part in the long-standing policy that led to the massacre and for his responsibility as Prime Minister when it occurred; maybe they just voted with their feet a minute before the most fateful elections for the integrity of society that we have had, and it could be that this is a statistic that repeats itself every four years — but if the turnout percentages look like this on the day of the Knesset elections, Likud should start to worry. And the fact that the party's lawyer, Ilan Bombach, gives interviews with a smile to media outlets and promotes the 'celebration of democracy,' does not necessarily hide the fact that almost half of the Central Committee members preferred to give up free tickets and stay home. The desire to emphasize the advantages of a party that lives on the ground is completely understandable, but let's get some perspective — the Democrats did better with about 97 thousand voters, which is 86.2% of all registered members — and let's remember that enthusiasm and dedication cannot be bought in every store, certainly not when the shelves are emptying and the landlord has to secure them with bolts from the outside.

And it is not a coincidence that those who did come answered a personal phone call from the Prime Minister or one of his senior members, committed personally after a Bar Mitzvah or wedding, or anchored themselves in a senior position in exchange for a promise of support in the primaries — they went for the choice of the man of diplomatic passports. They decided to give Eli Cohen, the most drab politician in the ranks of the most colorful party, the first place after Netanyahu, and to us, the general public — an example of how to advance to the top of the list in Likud. Because if there is something that Likudniks know how to forgive, it turns out, it is benefits for cronies, especially if they are the son of the Prime Minister. Only two months have passed since the police announced that they had finished their investigation and formed an evidentiary basis for indicting Cohen for breach of trust, but from the perspective of the voters who put their trust in him, this is not even background noise. Just a news item that passes by the ear and whose headline rhymes with the dismissal of the legal advisor, not news that raises doubt regarding his integrity, not information that raises a healthy demand for explanations or a demand for temporary suspension, just another senior official at the top of the party who might stand criminal trial.

Likudniks might yet discover that what is good for the country — limiting a Prime Minister's tenure to two terms — is also good for them. Until then, they will continue to give up their relative advantage as those who can reward or punish senior officeholders based on their achievements in the last four years, and wait for their eternal leader to decide to retire. A long-standing tradition of positioning as the underdog of Israeli politics has honed Likud's ability to hold onto power, and this time the primaries proved it more than ever.