On the way to becoming Shas? 'Religious Zionism no longer represents Religious Zionism'

The elected candidates in the primaries are not the concern, but rather those who were pushed out. Bezalel Smotrich has made the party homogeneous, alienated statist voices, and brought it closer to the ultra-Orthodox than to Religious Zionism.

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On the way to becoming Shas? 'Religious Zionism no longer represents Religious Zionism'
Photo: Israel Hayom / שר האוצר בצלאל סמוטריץ' לאחר הכרזת הרשימה שנבחרת בפריימריז של הציונות הדתית. צילום: אורן בן חקון

What is painful about the results of the Religious Zionism party primaries is not who was elected, but who is no longer there, and who understands more and more that they have no place within the party that purports to represent their public.

The settlement enterprise in the Land of Israel is a tremendous religious-Zionist endeavor, and in days when settlers are absorbing terrorist attacks, it is appropriate to show them gratitude and deep appreciation. There is no ideological disagreement between us on the importance of settling the Land of Israel, and there is great appreciation for the work of Minister Bezalel Smotrich in Judea and Samaria.

The great success of the farm enterprise, which is a security and national matter, is that they exist by the power of the State of Israel and on its mission, and their deployment was done in coordination with the IDF.

But concern for the Land of Israel must come together with responsibility for the People of Israel. The settlement movement becomes stronger when combined with other values that Religious Zionism should have promoted: increasing the number of recruits, statism, responsibility for all of Israeli society, and the ability to make Judaism accessible instead of isolating it.

Therefore, it is difficult to look at the new list of the Religious Zionism party and see how uniform it is. Instead of thousands of members deciding, 170 central committee members chose the list, which includes Smotrich, Orit Struk, Simcha Rothman, Zvi Sukkot, and Ohad Tal in realistic spots. Michal Woldiger was pushed to the unrealistic ninth spot.

Whoever does not fall in line — is out

Woldiger is an example of what is missing here. She is a religious woman, right-wing, ideological, but also a working parliamentarian. She deals with the broad Israeli society and brings an accessible, caring, and statist voice.

Also Ofir Sofer, who is a measured and respected man, who insisted that it is impossible to speak on behalf of a public that serves in the reserves and in the same breath promote a plan that has no real intention of easing their burden and expanding the army by drafting the ultra-Orthodox — could not remain in this party.

And this is the point — there is no problem with having a Tkuma party within the Religious Zionism party. The problem is that in this composition, there is no longer room for others. That whoever does not fall in line with it can no longer be a part of it.

Instead of Michal Woldiger, we find Ohad Tal, who instead of worrying about the weaker populations, worries about jobs for Shas through the Kashrut law. Instead of making Judaism accessible to more Israelis, the Religious Zionism party strengthens the monopoly of the Rabbinate. Instead of bringing a Torah message, it is becoming a branch of Deri.

And when Sofer, Woldiger, and Solomon are not there, the one who enters the government is Yitzhak Goldknopf. Because in its current composition, there is no one in the Religious Zionism party who will look out for the religious-Zionist reservist.

The sweeping exemption for Goldknopf and his grandchildren is already signed on the table of Smotrich and his colleagues, and whoever votes for him promotes the expansion of the circle of draft dodgers. When Smotrich signals that he is headed for a narrow government guided by protection money for the ultra-Orthodox parties, he promotes the values of Deri and Goldknopf at the expense of our values, our families, the country's security, and its economy. Precisely because the Land of Israel is very important, it needs the protection of a large and strong army, today and in the future.

On the way to becoming Shas

The last two weeks in the Knesset, the resignation of Sofer and Solomon, and the results of the primaries make clear the continuation of the turn that the Religious Zionism party is taking on its way to becoming Shas — in style and in results. And it could have been otherwise. If Smotrich had been wise enough to break away from the ultra-Orthodox alliance and strive to work for a broad Zionist government, he could have realized more of the values of Religious Zionism.

More Torah of the Land of Israel that is accessible to the People of Israel, more Zionism, more army and more responsibility to defend the land, more free economy, more statism, and more people who can say with pride: I am a religious Zionist. These results under the leadership of Smotrich indicate a choice in the opposite direction.

It is time to establish a political alternative that will represent Religious Zionism in a proper and broad manner, which will bring to the State of Israel the tidings that we have the power to give, and at this important time — this is our duty. A right-wing, responsible, and religious Zionism that will come to a broad government of revival, necessary for the existence of the State of Israel.

The author is one of the founders of the Reservists' Wives Forum and one of the leaders of the reservist organizations' struggle.

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