A preacher who practices what he preaches: The Democrats' primaries managed to embarrass Gadi Eisenkot | Michael Kleiner

On the day the primaries were held in the Labor party, it was proven how much the media is harnessed to Gadi Eisenkot's wagon. How far it allows itself to go at the expense of the truth — and to stand as a wall to hide any embarrassing conduct of Eisenkot. For example, regarding his embarrassing zigzag on the issue of internal party democracy.

Holding democratic internal elections in parties was a banner that Eisenkot often waved in the past and presented as a "non-negotiable" principle. Therefore, highlighting the opportunistic reversal that has occurred in him on this matter is of great significance. For highlighting his blatant abandonment of internal democracy regarding his new party, which defines itself by the name "Yashar!", can undermine the credible and serious image that he, with the help of the devoted media, strives to deepen.

What is very clear is that if Eisenkot had not attained the status of a "super-etrog" (untouchable), a proper, professional, and objective media would have swarmed the candidate, whom the latest polls, mainly on Channel 12, have crowned as the prime minister on the way, and asked him about it. The successful primaries in the Democrats party make it necessary to ask him when his adherence to internal party elections faded.

After all, this is the same Gadi Eisenkot who explained that his abandonment of Benny Gantz stemmed from his violation of his commitment to him, when he joined, to establish democratic elections. Eisenkot even often expressed himself in this context, when he attributed his decision to join Gantz and not Yair Lapid to the fact that Lapid was not willing to commit to holding full democratic procedures in Yesh Atid.

Gadi Eisenkot is perceived — as one can read in large letters on the pages of every fresh newspaper — as a principled, respectable person, whose word is his bond. After all, everyone remembers how our Gadi found himself pushed, as if forced by a demon, to part ways with Gantz, the man who parachuted him to the top of the party and the narrow security cabinet. The declared reason for his resignation was, as mentioned, Gantz's refusal to allow internal elections intended to allow Eisenkot to challenge him, oust him from the party leadership, and take his place at its top.

At the end of June-beginning of July 2025, our Gadi announced that he would defect from the National Unity party, but in his great mercy, he would deign to return his mandate to Gantz. At least the explanation for the defection was honest: the main reason for the resignation was presented as dissatisfaction with the proposals for the nature of the internal procedures proposed for the party. He claimed that the proposed format "does not allow for a real contest," "that the format as presented does not meet the democratization commitments," and that he could not agree to it.

The proposed format included a small assembly (about 150 activists and office holders appointed by the management), which in our Gadi's feeling was a body tailored to Gantz's measurements, so much so that the chance of a candidate against him was similar to the chance of the Cape Verde national team winning the World Cup twice in a row.

No longer number 2

After the resignation last year, Eisenkot was described and branded in the devoted media as a focal point for many courtships, as numerous as the sand on the seashore, the likes of which have not been seen in our world since the days of Brigitte Bardot and Marilyn Monroe combined, at their peak. Proposals for unification from Naftali Bennett and feelers from Yair Lapid were like an overflowing spring. But Eisenkot, known for his modesty, declared that he was not willing to be "number 2" on the list, and even rejected an offer in this spirit. He repeatedly claimed that he saw himself as a strong candidate for the leading position. That is, even in talks about unifications, he emphasized that he wanted to compete for leadership, and not receive a place given to him as a jump without a competitive process.

Throughout the spring-summer of 2025, Lapid and the leaders of Yesh Atid called on Eisenkot to join, and ways were even considered to give him a very senior place on the list (including reports of Lapid's willingness to be flexible with positions to attract our Gadi to him). However, no explicit statement was found from Eisenkot that he would agree to join this or that party while giving up a competitive process. On the contrary. Throughout his path, he demands selection procedures, transparency, and democracy, while repeatedly refusing, as mentioned, to accept a guaranteed status without competition.

Eisenkot announced the establishment of an independent political framework (the Yashar! party) in September 2025. Finally, the dream came true. Our Gadi has a party where he can implement his democratic desires that were hitherto suppressed by the dictator Gantz. But wonder of wonders: our Gadi is not in a hurry to storm the democratization operation of Yashar!. And when he hesitated — the excuses began to flow like in the branches of Mapai in the development towns in the 50s and 60s, when the Workers' Party of Eretz Yisrael received 90% of the votes there, with honor and mainly with fear: "There is a need for rapid organization and leadership uniformity...", "There are temporary and operational constraints requiring quick decision-making without prolonged primaries...", and also the claim that emphasis should be placed on skills and professionalism, meaning the selection of "suitable candidates". Excuses with a taste of the past, as if conjured up from the days of the merry Mapai.

Further examination of the collection of Gadi's creative explanations arouses amazement: "Leadership appointments and professional committees are needed to ensure executive capability and not to promote pure popularity". Our Gadi also suddenly developed a fear of instability and division: "Open procedures may deepen the multiplicity of groups and division, so an orderly and focused process is preferable at the beginning".

To establish the reversal in his outlook, he discovered the flaws in the existing models in the Likud and among the Democrats: the primaries in these parties proved to him the existence of certain shortcomings, so he decided to prefer other models at the establishment stage. Typical gibberish of the officialdom.

Like Yair Lapid, Eisenkot also finds himself scattering promises for further democratization sometime in the future. Again and again, he noted that broader selection procedures would be promoted when the party stabilizes and establishes itself organizationally. Just a copy-paste of announcements published from time to time by Yesh Atid.

Polish manners

Eisenkot himself is revealed more and more as a prototype of a classic Mapai functionary in the development towns of the generation of the parents of David Magen, Meir Sheetrit, Moshe Katsav, and others, and to this, Eisenkot added the Polish manners of modesty, played with amazing credibility: as if he were a combination of Hanna Rovina and Golda Meir. He never aspired to a position. They always forced promotion on him, and he accepted the will of the movement. A kind of more educated reincarnation of Sallah Shabati in the movie of that name, which was brilliantly designed by Ephraim Kishon and Chaim Topol.

Eisenkot's problem will be in the time after the honeymoon he is enjoying these days. When the real bombardment begins, and the nice campaign of Yonatan Urikh is replaced by truly poisonous attacks by his rivals on the left, and especially the wounded animals he left in the field. At this stage, the mice will start to run.

These are mice that have specialized in recent years in mass abandonment of sinking ships: after Lapid, who received 24 mandates in the 25th Knesset elections, they moved to Gantz, who received 40 mandates in the polls when he joined the Netanyahu government. When he left, they moved to Naftali Bennett, and now they are running back and forth to Eisenkot.

It is possible that these days their next station has come into the world, which will also be the final station. The policy of this station is very dangerous for the State of Israel, and therefore it must not stand at the head of the government, but turning it into the main opposition or a partner in a real unity government will be very good for Israeli democracy.

This refers, of course, to the Democrats, which is the only real party representing the true Israeli left. Unlike the political Potemkin villages of Lapid, Bennett, Gantz, and Eisenkot, which are cardboard facades behind which there is no real party, the Labor party proved this week that it is the only factor on the left that is a political body with a soul in its nose and blood flowing in its veins. If Yair Golan understands that as a leader of a center-left party he must stop eyeing the left wing of the Meretz base, he will be able to create momentum after his successful primaries.

But the real turning point will happen on the day he decides it is time to appear with Yinon Magal on "The Patriots". Only then will the path be paved for him to displace Eisenkot, and for the first time since Buji Herzog — to stand as a real candidate against Netanyahu. The last time it was Ron Huldai, who with the help of Avi Nissenkorn, the last classic Mapainik, tried to get on this track and almost gained altitude and started to take off.

But unlike Golan's situation today, back then the Labor party was behind Merav Michaeli, so his power faded, and the votes returned to Labor and Gantz. Behind Golan stand the Democrats and over 100 thousand registered members, who feel a commitment to the party thanks to the primaries — and many of them will work for it in the field.

The author is the president of the Likud court.