Hezbollah's Important Help to Mojtaba
A letter of allegiance to the new leader of Iran grants religious and political legitimacy. The dynastic appointment, his extremist image, and reports that his father opposed his selection hover over him. His public response clarifies: support for the organization and the path of resistance will continue under his rule.
The letter of allegiance sent by Hezbollah during July 2026 to the new leader of Iran, Mojtaba Khamenei, and the latter's public response, are not just a ceremonial gesture between Tehran and Hezbollah, the "jewel in the crown" of the Iranian proxy network.
This is an event of deep political and ideological significance, intended to establish Mojtaba's status as the new leader of Iran, precisely at a time when his legitimacy is in dispute both inside and outside Iran. The fact that Hezbollah was quick to pledge allegiance to him gives him a stamp of approval from the most important strategic asset of the Iranian regime, and helps him present full continuity with the path of his father, Ali Khamenei.
Mojtaba's need to strengthen his status stems first and foremost from the circumstances of his rise to power. Contrary to the principles upon which the Islamic Revolution has been based since 1979, the transfer of the institution of leadership from father to son gives the regime a dynastic character, reminiscent of the very monarchy that the revolution sought to overthrow.
For decades, Iran's leaders presented the Islamic Republic as a regime based on the leader's skills and religious authority, not on family inheritance. Mojtaba's coronation undermines this narrative and could spark criticism even among circles identified with the regime.
To this are added reports that the head of Ali Khamenei's office, Ali-Asghar Hijazi, Khamenei's confidant and loyalist who accompanied him since his election as leader in 1989, testified during the contacts that preceded the selection of the new leader that Khamenei himself did not support the appointment of his son as his successor.
These reports further damage Mojtaba's legitimacy, because they deny him even the claim that he is fulfilling his father's last wish. In such a situation, any show of support from key elements in the resistance axis takes on special importance.
Mojtaba's personal image also requires him to invest in establishing his status. For years, his name has been linked to the regime's toughest power centers, and in the Iranian public, an image has formed around him of an extremist and hawkish figure, identified with internal repression and an uncompromising ideological line.
This image makes it difficult for him to be perceived as a leader who unites all camps in the Iranian political system. Therefore, he needs public demonstrations of loyalty from his regional allies to demonstrate that his authority is accepted not only in Tehran but throughout the resistance camp.
Mojtaba's problematic image is sharpened in light of opposition reports that the person who played a major role in pushing for his appointment as leader is his close associate, Hossein Taeb. The latter is a reviled figure in the Iranian public due to his senior role in suppressing the public as commander of the Basij (2007-2009) and as head of the IRGC intelligence organization (2009-2022).
Hezbollah's contribution to establishing Mojtaba's leadership
Against this background, Hezbollah's letter should be understood. In the letter, the organization declared that its loyalty to Mojtaba is in fact loyalty to the "Hidden Imam" (who, according to Shiism, entered into occultation in 941 and is destined to appear in the end of days and redeem the Shiites), because the leader is "his deputy and representative in the period of occultation."
By doing so, Hezbollah granted Mojtaba the full religious legitimacy provided by the doctrine of "Velayat-e Faqih" (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist), and clarified that as far as it is concerned, there is no difference between the authority of the new leader and that of Khomeini and his father, Ali Khamenei.
Moreover, the organization pledged to continue under his leadership to "carry the banner of Islam," to continue in jihad and sacrifice, and to lead the resistance camp until "divine victory." This is a declaration that goes beyond ordinary political loyalty, and grants Mojtaba a status of religious and strategic authority even outside the borders of Iran.
Already by joining the "Roar of the Lion" war, Hezbollah proved that it is willing to take a huge risk, and to act clearly against the Lebanese interest, as part of its absolute loyalty to Iran.
The importance of Hezbollah's letter stems from the fact that the organization aligned itself with the regime's attempt to present the leader as the representative of the "Hidden Imam," even though the 1989 constitution separated the "Wilayat" (religious ruler) from the "Marja'iyyat" (supreme religious authority), contrary to the original constitution from March 1979.
Ali Khamenei's appointment
As recalled, upon his appointment, Khamenei, Mojtaba's father, was promoted overnight in 1989 from the rank of intermediate scholarship (Hojjat al-Islam) to the rank of Ayatollah, and in 1994, he declared himself a Marja' al-Taqlid (senior jurisprudential authority).
Now, it seems that Mojtaba, who does not feel secure enough to present himself as an Ayatollah, is acting gradually to be recognized as a senior religious authority in a few years, and Hezbollah's letter is an important building block on the way to achieving this goal.
Mojtaba's reply letter to Hezbollah, which was published on July 26, also indicates that he seeks to present full continuity with his father's policy. It is important to note that so far, the direct correspondence between Mojtaba and one of the organizations of Iran's proxy network has taken place only with Hezbollah, which emphasizes his unique status in the eyes of the new leader.
Mojtaba emphasized that Iran continues to view the defense of Hezbollah and support for it as a strategic policy, and that despite its significant weakening, it continues to see it as the "pioneer of the jihadist groups."
Mojtaba even noted that the Islamic Republic is committed to the first clause of the memorandum of understanding, which requires a full Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, even though it is not currently acting to enforce it. By doing so, he clarified that Tehran will continue to intervene in the issue of Hezbollah's weapons and will continue to see the organization as a central player in the Lebanese arena, contrary to the position of the state of Lebanon, the USA, and Israel, which seek to disarm it.
In summary, the exchange of letters between Hezbollah and Mojtaba Khamenei is not a symbolic event, but an important pillar in building the religious and political legitimacy of the new leader. While inside Iran Mojtaba faces a problematic crossroads, outside Iran he receives public backing from the most important organization in the resistance axis.
The author is an Iran researcher at the Misgav Institute for National Security.
